The Rwandan Genocide: Overview

The Rwandan Genocide: Overview During the Rwandan genocide in 1994 about one million Tutsi and Hutu opposition members were slaughtered by the extremist Hutu government the Hutu, the majority ethnic group in Rwanda. Their aim was to exterminate the Tutsi, the minority ethnic group which comprised of only about 25% of the population. In order to discuss the source of the Rwandan genocide it is important to analyse the nature of the concept so that it can be applied with the aim of establishing why the genocide took place when it did and whether an ancient ethnic hatred was the origin of the Rwandan genocide. Genocide is an essentially contested concept that is hard to define. Horowitz states that is empirically ubiquitous and politically troublesome, because there are both limited and extensive classifications of the term.  [1]  The narrow interpretation of genocide states that genocide is almost always a premeditated act calculated to achieve the end of its perpetrators through mass murder.  [2]  Horowitz detects that a core principle is that genocide must be conducted with the approval of, if not direct intervention by the state apparatus as part of a political policy.  [3]  Chalk and Jonassohn go on to say that genocide is one-sided mass killing. They point out that one-sided mass killing is also essential in order to exclude from the analys[is] the casualties of war.  [4]  The broader definition of genocide according to Chalk and Jonassohn can also include the destruction of a culture without an attempt to physically destroy its bearers, which suggests that genocide i s a more common occurrence.  [5]  Consistent with this broad definition, the United Nations Convention on Genocide defined genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, such as: killing member of the group. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to being about physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measure intended to prevent births within a group; forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.  [6]  The expansiveness of the UNs definition is itself a function of the ambiguity associated with the operationalisation of this term in the international policy field. A key feature of the definitions of genocide is the decisive role the state plays in marginalizing and exterminating an ethnic, racial or religious group. For the purpose of this essay, the narrow definition i.e. one sided mass killing in which a state or other authority intends to destroy a group, will be used.  [7]  This essay argues that the Rwandan genocide was caused by a combination of political, social, economic and international factors and not solely the result of ancient ethnic hatred. It supports the views of Totten, Parsons and Charny who argue that contrary to the image conveyed by the media, there is nothing in the historical record to suggest a kind of tribal meltdown rooted in deep seated antagonisms, or longstanding atavistic hatreds.  [8]  While ethnic tensions contributed to the injustices administered to the minority groups in this devastating event, to reduce the cause of the genocide to ancient ethnic rivalry is simplistic given the historical and contem porary evidence on the subject. Historical events such as colonialism and the civil war created long lasting ethnic tensions. The conflict may not have followed had political and socio-economic circumstances not been exacerbated through the use of propaganda and the ethnic rivalry concocted during colonialism. Ethnic tensions were clearly rooted in colonialism. According to Horowitz One of the fundamental characteristics of nineteenth century European imperialism was its systematic destruction of communities outside the mother country.  [9]  Rwanda had been a German and Belgium colony. The Germans saw the Tutsi as the more superior race, different from the majority of common and savage negroes, because their physical features when compared to the Hutus appeared to bear more resemblance to European features, therefore they were born rulers.  [10]  As a result they were educated and given jobs in the military and public administration while the Hutus were relegated to menial tasks. This created resentment towards the Tutsis among the Hutu which was further exacerbated when Rwanda became a Belgian colony. Under Belgian imperial rule the Tutsis and Hutus were all given identity cards indicating which ethnic group they belonged to. The strict classification system further heightened the distinction between the two groups and the construction of these separate identities in conjunction with propaganda methods became a main part in inciting ethnic hatred. Mamdani observes that these identities were the fault lines along which political violence exploded. The violence started with colonial pacification which took on genocidal proportions.  [11]  This also supports the claim that the Rwandan genocide was partly rooted in colonialism. The combination of resentment and the segregation between Tutsi and Hutu contributed significantly to the ethnic tension that existed during the Hutu governments rule. However the development of ethnic tension during the colonial years did not necessarily have to lead to genocide. In addition to the ethic divisions created during colonialism, propaganda in the post-independence period further aggravated ethnic tensions. The Tutsi were portrayed as foreigners in Rwanda by the Hutu government through a successful propaganda campaign. Melvern explains that according to the Hutu the Tutsi were proud, arrogant, tricky and untrustworthy, describing them as aliens, and cockroaches.  [12]  The Hutu regime created a stereotype using specific language on national radio broadcasts (e.g. Radio Tà ©là ©vision Libre des Mille Collines) and in printed media which the Hutu extremists used to incite ethnic hatred. Totten, Parsons and Charny note that through the use of language the enemy was demonised, [and] made the incarnation of evil, which dehumanised the Tutsi and contributed to the willingness of numerous Hutus to participate in genocide.  [13]  In direct contrast with the Tutsi the Hutu people were depicted as modest, honest, loyal, independent and impulsive.à ‚  [14]  In doing this the Hutu government created collective memories from colonialism that historically the Hutu had always been enslaved and mistreated by the Tutsi and their foreign allies. This validated the Hutu extremist policies and violence but also created resentment which was intended to fuel the already festering hatred. Again, we see that as in the colonial era, the political system and the ideology on which it is based contributed significantly to conflict in the society. Though ethnic tensions existed, these influences contributed to climax of ethnic hatred in 1994. The portrayal of Tutsi people as outsiders was restricted to the 1990s and was based on political manipulation showing that the tension was not based on ancient Rwandan history but instead it had been stage-managed. Exaggerating the differences between the Hutu and the Tutsi through political propaganda can be viewed as part of the reason why the genocide took place in 1994 and not before. It is therefore apparent that the Rwandan genocide was not mainly caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead by the aim to amplify ethnic tension during the 1990s. It is worth noting that the Tutsi and Hutu had coexisted peacefully for years despite having had a historical background rife with ethnic tension. Mills and Brunner maintain that for centuries they have spoken the same language, lived on the same hillsides, and intermarried to such an extent that the physical characteristics stereotypically attributed to each tall, thin, lighter skinned for the Tutsi; short, stocky and darker skinned for the Hutu are often blurred.  [15]  This shows that the Rwanda genocide was not caused but ethnic hatred as there would need to be evidence of serious ethnic disputes prior to 1994. Also because the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups were intertwined one has to question whether ethnicity was the only grounds for extermination. The Hutu government emphasised ethnicity. However opposition to the Hutu extremist government and Tutsi sympathisers were also massacred along with the Tutsi. The division is debatably not in fact ethnic although that is how it w as portrayed. Rather it is more likely to have been based on class and occupational lines as this was the case before colonisation. This reveals that there must have been another explanation for the genocide other than ethnic hatred. The true motivation behind the Rwanda genocide was in fact fear. One of the reasons why genocide took place when it did is because the Hutu government feared a Tutsi invasion from neighbouring Burundi and Uganda. Shelton agrees with this argument pointing out that the Hutu government called for the extermination of the Tutsi fearing the loss of its power in the face of a democracy movement and a civil war.  [16]  The RPF (Rwanda Patriotic Front) consisted of Tutsi refugees in exile that had formed in Uganda following the expulsion of thousands of Tutsi in 1959 in opposition to the Hutu extremist government. Since the October 1990 invasion by the RPF into Rwanda the Hutu extremists feared another attack and as a result their ethnic policies became more extreme. The Hutu extremists saw the Tutsi in Rwanda as an internal threat which they associated with an external enemy, the RPF. The Hutu government nationalised the fear of this internal threat by instilling it in the Hutu populat ion using propaganda. Uvins view supports this position stating that they successfully sought to spread ethnic fear throughout society, to organise and legitimise the forces of violence and genocide and to desensitise people to violence.  [17]  In the context of civil war although ethnic tensions are central to the conflict it is clear that the origins of the Rwandan genocides does not lie in ancient ethnic hatred but extensively in fear. This fear was intended to mobilise the masses and it can therefore be said that the spread of fear among the population was an important cause of the Rwandan genocide because it put pressure severe pressure on ethnic divides. Ethnicity was allegedly what the Hutu government claimed to be the basis of their aim to create a truly Rwandan state where Rwanda belonged to the Hutu.  [18]  In order to achieve this state a social revolution, was necessary which involved purging the state of outsiders, the Tutsi  [19]  . The Tutsi were seen as being ancestrally from North Africa and on this basis they were to be excluded from the creation of a true Rwandan state. It was this exclusion as well as the fear of Tutsi rule that motivated the extremist Hutu government and their radical propaganda policy. Melvern observes that when the first political parties were formed, they were created along strict ethnic lines, in line with ideological principles.  [20]  This development of ideology adds to this set of ideas that can be used for both internal and external legitimisation, which with the support of the church as well as the international community further justified the Hutu governments actions despite the radical nature of their policies  [21]  . It is clear that when examining the Hutu government their policies on ethnic hatred were not entirely based on an ancient feud as ethnic distinctions did not exist in early Rwandan history, but instead were largely embedded in extreme ideology that ironically this did not represent the majority Hutu opinion. Instead the combination of fear and the aim to create the ideal Hutu state escalated ethnic hatred. As well as the civil war other significant events widened the divide between the Tutsi and the Hutu. Rwanda was a recently independent fragile state and domestic affairs were put under pressure by the 1990 rural crisis which damaged the agriculturally based Rwandan economy. Uvin highlights that this decline is a result of a combination of factors, conjunctural and structural: a set of drought s in the middle of the late 1980s; the effects of erosion, land degradation and poverty.  [22]  Additionally the dramatic fall in the price of coffee, a major export intensified the pressure on the Hutu government because it greatly reduced the earnings of the Rwandan state.  [23]  As a result of this the Rwandan government had to ask the IMF for a state loan which increased the pressure the Rwandan government experienced in a rapidly declining economy. The Hutu extremist government were able to use this as part of the propaganda ploy to blame the Tutsi and label them economic exploiters , thus further contributing to ethnic resentment and hatred. These internal pressures show how the creation of ethnic hatred was a multifaceted strategy and not solely the result of ancient tensions. The Rwandan genocide was also caused by the build up of ethnic hatred in the context of civil war. The assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana was a turning point in that it served as the spark that set the plans for genocide in motion.  [24]  The Hutu government used this event to propel the masses into action. They accused the Tutsi RPF of assassinating the president because he resisted signing the Arusha Accord, the Rwandan peace agreement. Although this event triggered the genocide it was far from being a spontaneous popular uprising.  [25]  According to Shelton the 1994 genocide had been carefully planned and coordinated by a small group of government and military officials who used the administrative structure and coercive force of the state to invigorate the genocide and extend it across the country.  [26]  This highlights the fact that the origin of the Rwandan genocide was not merely rooted in ancient hatred but was made possible by contemporary government policies which resurrected and reconstructed old ethnic tensions. In conclusion it is clear that from the arguments set forth, the Rwandan genocide was not merely caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead was caused by an amalgamation of events and policies. The propaganda used to incite fear was instrumental in creating an environment that turned the Hutu and Tutsi against each other, thus allowing the 1994 Rwanda genocide to take place. Mamdani supports this view and comments that Violence has been motivated by a mutual fear of victimhood.  [27]  The complex combination of imperial ethnic division aggravated by propaganda in the context of a civil war and RPF threat as well as economic pressure all came together to create a society and environment that allowed for and committed genocide. Mills and Brunner explain that there is no such thing as a simple tribal meltdown not anywhere, and that the view that the Rwandan genocide was prompted by ancient ethnic hatred does not explain why it took place when it did.  [28]  Although ethnicity w as an important contributing component of the Rwandan genocide it was not the only definitive factor. It is therefore a limited view to claim that the Rwanda genocide was rooted in ancient ethnic hatred when it is clear that the issues involved were significantly more complicated.

Ethics and Leadership in Nigerian Universities: a Study of Staff-Student Relationship at the University of Lagos

This article examines the problem of ethics and leadership in Nigerian Universities from the perspective of inter-personal relationships between staff and students, and the implications for attaining the goals of the Universities and the wider society. In a broad introduction, it laments the crisis of state and society in Nigeria, while locating and explicating ethics and leadership as crucial elements of a university. The findings from the study at the University of Lagos indicate that it is possible even in the midst of the social vices pervading the institution for principled lecturers to positively influence their students in the course of their interaction. The article argues that this will ultimately have a positive impact on the wider society. It therefore calls for greater emphasis at upholding ethical conduct at all levels of University administration. Nigeria is a society bedevilled by all kinds of social vices in spite of the numerous social institutions put in place by the government to check vices and unethical conduct in the society. The country has been undergoing a monumental crisis of state and society beginning from the 1970s (Agbu, 1995). A worrisome dimension to this development is the rather silent attitude by many at addressing this problem which portends a grave danger not just to individuals and groups, but also the survival of the Nigerian State. In this inquiry, the focus is on the possible interplay between ethics and eadership in Nigerian Universities, with particular emphasis on staff-student interaction. The University of Lagos serves as our case study in order for us to concretely situate our analysis. A key observation made is that within the university system there are different layers of leadership and expected standareds of conduct by both members of staff and students. However, the experience in respect o f this has been most unpalatable and tending towards what may be regarded as a total moral crisis in Nigerian Universities. In the light of the above, there is the need for us to address our minds to certain pertinent questions arising therefrom. For instance, What types of behaviour do we really expect at the level of staff-student relations? To what extent do the manner of ethical dispositions by academic supervisors influence their students? What are those moral and ethical values that we all share which can help build a decent university community and society? And lastly, how can these ethical and moral imperatives be made part and parcel of the goals of the wider society? Indeed, it is unarguable that there is a minimum of ethical and moral standareds that is required of a society if it is to survive. There are laws that guide human relations based on the need to have order, harmony, peace and progress. When these basic laws are neglected, the result is total disruption in the social life of a people (Kukah, 1999:14). Again, it is generally recognized that these take their initial roots from the family as a socialization unit and additionally from the educational institutions as a formal context for acquiring wider knowledge. Though, it has been generally acknowledged that we now live in a knowledge society, it is however lamentable that this same society appears to be totally bankrupt of ethical and moral values. For Nigeria, it has been suggested that one of the missing elements in its over forty years of existence is the absence of leaders with the requisite weapons of knowledge and character (Anya, 2002: 22). On the university system in particular, the crisis of values appears to be the most prominent malaise assaulting the essence of education in the country. It is believed that the situation has degenerated to a point where virtually every cherished principle and ideal of the university system has been violated or eroded (Ujomu, 2002: 58). Indeed, a recent World Bank study carried out in collaboration with the Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER), and widely reported in the Nigerian press noted the factors responsible for Nigeria's educational crisis as including – inadequate funding, insufficient and irrelevant learning materials such as outdated equipment and anachronistic journals, poorly trained and paid teachers, outmoded managerial structures, arbitrary expansion of enrolment leading to oversupply of graduates and irrelevant curriculum (Obi and Agbu, 2002:46). The point here, is to recognize that the erosion of values in our universities should not be addressed in isolation, but in tandem with the general decline in university development in the country. Therefore, in examining the issue of ethics and leadership in Nigerian universities, there is the need to factor in the political economy of the environment within which the Universities are expected to operate. We need to interrogate and understand the social and security environments which have turned the university into what it is currently. However, this is not to say that all hope is lost. In the example from the University of Lagos, the study sought basically to determine whether ‘ principled ‘ and ‘positive' leadership at a community level could significantly contribute to good leadership in terms of transformatory impact at the national level overtime. Drawing from the findings of this study, this article argues that it is possible for transformatory leadership that is based on proper ethical conduct to positively influence students engaged in official interaction with members of the academic staff. This assumption if proven, has the propensity of being translated to the wider Nigerian society. A conceptual overview of ethics and leadership What do we really mean by ethics on the one hand and leadership on the other as these relate to each other, and as they manifest in a particular social context. Indeed, an examination of a particular social structure can show how certain kinds of behaviour will be expected of individuals, and certain possibilities will be foreclosed because of the features in the social situation. As observed by Sills (1968:160), to study the nature of ethical systems for example, in relation to the social structures in which they are embedded may help us understand why certain actions are thought of as right or wrong in particular societies. Ethics as a concept is basically concerned with standareds of conduct among people in social groups. Hence, ethical values are those norms which are based on sound reason. They refer to the basic human feelings and sense of right and wrong. They lead to the recognition of certain fundamental principles of morality, which are common to all human beings by the very nature that they are humans (Onaiyekan, 1999:15). In effect, these ethical norms of human relationship do not depend on culture, race or creed, but simply because they are rational norms that regulate human relationships. This is why it is a great insult when some people give the impression that general norms of decent behaviour do not apply to them. Whilst the ethical gives an intelligent basis for our actions, the moral and spiritual gives it a divine confirmation and validity. The ethical and spiritual indeed are not contradictory but are mutually reinforcing in protecting and promoting decent norms and values of human existence. Ethics can also be conceived of as the science of morality or the science of examining the nature of moral values, while moral values refer to those things in human character, conduct and social relations which could be judged as good or bad, right or wrong and so on (Uzuegbunam, 1989). On the other hand, values are standards which guide one's behaviour toward the attainment of one's desired goals (Rokeach, 1973). Values make us desire to have or to do something and thus influence our choice of what is worthwhile. Indeed, it is the view of experts that the transmission of values that are desirable to society is the primary objective of education (Peters, 1972). This view highlights the importance that should be given to issues of values and indeed, morals in our educational system. Ethics and morals are therefore two positive social phenomena that should be kept on the front burner, and debated vigorously, failing which a society gradually decays. Suffice it to say that one cannot really understand the basis of ethical practices or moral values in a society like Nigeria, unless one is able to understand the level of social organisation or development of that society. The structure of economic production, distribution and exchange also go a long way in determining the level or types of ethical practices that exist in the society. In otherwords, the mode of production and consumption patterns, in addition to lingering traditional practices all combine in either evolving a morally sound society or the rapid degeneration of existing values. To what extent ethical misconduct and moral decay in the Nigerian society is a function of the economic system, is left to every one's imagination. Closely related to the issue of ethics, is the notion of leadership in our universities. Again, it has been variously recognized that leadership is the most crucial factor in the development of any nation. Lamentably, Nigeria has been identified as facing a leadership crisis. In effect the erosion of ethical values and morals have combined with the attendant leadership crisis to form what may be regarded as a ‘crisis of state and society' in Nigeria. Leadership as a concept has varied perspectives and definitions. On the whole, it is extremely difficult to give a precise and agreed definition to leadership, because it appears to be a multifaceted phenomenon. However, in very simple terms it could be interpreted as ‘getting others to follow', or ‘getting people to do things', or understood more specifically as the ‘use of authority in decision making' (Mullins, 1999:253). While Krech et. al (1962), defined a leader as that individual within a group who outstandingly influences the activities of a group, Mullins (1999), understood it essentially as a relationship through which one person influences the behaviour or actions of other people. However, a more logical conceptualization of leadership is possible when we realize that within a particular context, such as a university community, there exist different levels of leadership all contributing towards the stated goals of the university. Therefore, the nature, success or failure of university governance have very much to do with the personal attributes, leadership qualities and management styles of the various leaders within the different levels of responsibility in the system (Obikeze, 2003). Therefore, leadership should not be understood as a unifocal phenomenon, around which aspirations are aggregated, it is rather, a complex web of people working together within a social context. A crucial point to note is that leadership can be invested in persons, groups, networks and institutions. It is a relational process involving leaders and followers, who though form a continuum, still remain separate entities in their effort at attaining certain defined goals. It is therefore, necessary to be alert to the contradictions inherent in this relationship. Since no leader emerges or endures outside of an institutional framework, it is important to invest in institutions often defined in terms of principles, values and norms that give meaning to and provide the context for leader-follower engagement. Thus within the university environment, leadership should not be construed only in terms of those in certain positions of power or authority such as vice-chancellors, deans, professors, heads of department and heads of functional units such as the registry (Middlehurst, 1995:75). It is rather, to be understood as a function that is more broad-based and extending beyond the formal roles and responsibilities of senior post holders. Observations from the universities in Nigeria indicate that a restrictive view of university leadership may not be acceptable or suitable for the harmony, well being and progress of the institutions (Ujomu, 2002:57). Rather, what is more practicable is a genuine, viable and inclusive approach that offers a more effective and functional university leadership. It is only from this perspective that ethics and values can better be protected and promoted within the universities. The character of the Nigerian state However, we cannot really understand the origin, extent and manifestations of ethical misconduct and moral decadence in the Nigerian society, without first understanding the character of the Nigerian State. This is one political entity that has been assailed by political, social and economic problems of immense magnitude since it became politically independent in 1960. It has experienced military autocracy and generally bad governance, which have had serious negative impact on the entire society. Positive traditional and family values and norms have been eroded with grave implications for all. Since leadership and followership are part and parcel of the system, there is therefore the concomitant decay in expected performance, as evident in the universities. What has been a great cause for concern is the magnitude of the social malaise in the universities. A term that has appropriately depicted this malaise is what has generally been referred to as the ‘Nigerian Factor', which simply put, is the inability of Nigerians to do things properly the way they should be done, and transparently too. This phenomenon appears to be writ large on all aspects of Nigerian life, and basically leaves very little room for matters of ethical considerations and merit. On the whole, a rather false impression is given that the lack of ethics and morals in the Nigerian society is something peculiar to it. Indeed, what we have in our hands is a systemic problem that requires something akin to a social revolution to clean up. Added to this is the fact that the poor state of the economy makes it extremely difficult to preach ethics and morality to a people that not only feel cheated by the system, but also are indeed, hungry. Subsequently, corruption and a lack of accountability constitute two very prominent cankerworms eating away the Nigerian society. Indeed, the rampant corruption is precisely as a result of a lack of accountability in the system. Oftentimes, those who divert public funds to their own use escape the proverbial long arm of justice. This has given others the courage to attempt what has become a rather easy feat. A case therefore, has to be made for a closer attention by all to issues of ethics and values as these relate to leadership at both the political and non-political levels. This is because most key institutions of the Nigerian society have become victims of corruption and moral decay. Examining the problem of ethics and leadership in Nigerian universities is therefore, just an aspect of this systemic failure, and has serious implications for the social health of the country in the near and distant future. The State of the universities The universities like the other segments of the Nigerian society are undergoing immense changes in character and output. Unfortunately, most of these changes tend to be negative. This development is in sharp contrast to the important goal of inculcating the right moral standareds in the students. In fact, it is not that there is no stated policy on the inculcation of values in Nigeria's educational system. It does exist. In brief, these include the respect for the worth and dignity of individuals; faith in man's ability to make rational decisions; moral and spiritual values in inter-personal and human relations; shared responsibility for the common good of the society; respect for the dignity of labour; and the promotion of emotional, physical and psychological health for all (National Policy on Education, 1981). There is therefore, a policy provision for value education in Nigeria, and it is very clear that both education and values are closely related as positive social phenomena (Anameze, 2002:94). However, recent cases of all kinds of social decay within the universities indicate, that there is a missing element in the approach to education in the country. This is the ‘character' element, a very important component as oftentimes, it is the educated cadre, those who had received higher education that go on to form the relevant segment of national leadership (Agbu and Agbu, 2002:3). Generally, the problems identified with Nigerian universities which have some bearing on matters of ethics and leadership are legion, and include the sale of academic handouts by lecturers, and the selling of admissions and marks by staff of the universities (SSAN, 2000:32). Others include, scandals, bribery and graft, victimization, sexual harassment of female students, the proliferation of male and female cult gangs, persistent incidents of rape, female prostitution, obscene dressing and soliciting for favours, homosexuality and extortion, murder, intimidation of lecturers by students, rumour-mongering, examination malpractices and other anti-social activities (Ujomu, 2002:59). These unethical practices cut across all sections of the university community. At the universities in the southern part of the country, in particular the University of Lagos, a gamut of unethical practices abound. Kindly allow my use of colloquial language at this juncture. These unethical practices include the â€Å"inflation of marks† for students by some lecturers for financial gratification. Inflation of marks by lecturers for what is referred to as â€Å"perusing†, which simply means a student agreeing to have sex with the lecturer in exchange for favourable scores. At the Delta State University, the students practice what they refer to as â€Å"blocking†, which means quickly preventing a lecturer from giving you your correct scores which may be unfavourable by offering money or other inducements to the lecturer before the results are made public. Some other lecturers use agents to collect or extort money from students for the inflation of their marks. Others allow students to take the same examination in their offices, which they had earlier taken in the examination hall for unspecified favours. In some of the departments, as was the case at the Accountancy department of the university of Lagos, students engaged in what has been dubbed â€Å"mercenary activities†, by hiring other students to write examinations for them. Indeed, some lecturers go as far as giving blank writing sheets to students to prepare their answers in advance. Some of those supervising examinations look the other way while their friends, relations, and student clients blatantly engage in cheating. In addition, some lecturers unashamedly plead on behalf of students who had failed their courses. However, these litanies of vices are not limited only to the lecturers. Were the students not willing to bribe, cajole, tempt and threaten the lecturers, these vices will not have been possible. Though, difficult to prove, there have also been instances in which the students use â€Å"black magic† not only to confuse supervisors during examinations but also to threaten them. This is in addition to the occasional threats by student members of Secret cult groups against lecturers. Even the non-academic members of staff are not left out of this orgy of ethical misconduct. They also engage in the alteration of marks in the computer or score sheets where the total scores have been computed for either material or sexual gratification. In addition, they also connive with ‘mercenaries' in their clandestine campaigns of cheating during examinations. I have deliberately catalogued these unethical practices in our universities not only to document, but also to graphically bring to our consciousness the magnitude of the problem before us. Whilst these vices did not all manifest in one day, it is very worrisome that very little concrete measures have been devised to checkmate these vices. Let us recall that the pressure on existing universities to take in more students led to the serious problem of population explosion which put pressure both on university governance and existing infrastructure (Wohlgemuth, 1998:125). The situation invariably gave rise to corruption and sharp practices within the university system. Ethical considerations and cherished values of many years standing have now been seriously eroded. However, all hope is not lost in the sense that there are still individuals – non-academic staff members, lecturers and students who have over the years refused to be sucked in by this whirlwind of social decay, as indicated by the report of a study instituted at the university of Lagos in 2002 (Agbu and Agbu, 2002). Supervisor – Student Relations at the University of Lagos In the study carried out at the University of Lagos in 2002, the object was to determine whether ‘principled' and ‘positive' leadership at the community level could significantly translate into good leadership at the national level overtime (Agbu and Agbu, 2002). This was done through a questionnaire survey of final year and post-graduate students at the university. A basic assumption upon which we worked was that in spite of the rot in the university system, it was still possible that certain individuals, in this case, some lecturers, may have succeeded in impacting positive leadership values to the students they had supervised, mainly due to the fact of their being principled persons. By principled, we meant a leadership that is characterized by good conduct capable of positively influencing followers or those engaged in a relationship with the leader within a social context. In this case, the University. By positive, we meant behaviour or actions consisting in or characterized by the presence or possession, and not merely by the absence or want, of features or qualities of an affirmative nature. It is therefore, that leadership that is derived from principled leadership, and which is capable of being extrapolated to the wider society. Two hundred students participated in this survey selected through Stratified Sampling Technique made up of 100 final year and 100 post-graduate students from the faculties of Art, Social sciences, Education and Law. The mean age of the participants was 30 years. The questionnaire was designed to measure the perceptions of students in terms of their lecturers' leadership potentials and ability to influence their worldview. This was in the form of an Academic-Supervisors' evaluation scale, which comprised twenty items to which participants responded on a four-point-likert-type scale. For the Design, a 2x2x2 ANOVA design was employed with independent variables being sex, age and year of study, while the dependent variable are participants' reactions obtained with the instrument. The results from the study showed that while the proposition that supervisors do significantly influence their students over time irrespective of whether they were post-graduate student or final year student was positive, there were subtle differences in responses with respect to the other variables of age and sex. However, the post-graduate students probably because of their longer association with their supervisors and of their being more socially conscious than the final year students, exhibited more awareness of having been influenced by their supervisors. Age and sex were statistically weak as variables determining the kinds of responses, indicating that age and sex had little to do with the possibility of being influenced at a certain age. The implications of this study for the wider Nigerian society was that it is possible to identify individuals, indeed role models, in certain positions of authority who could positively influence those with whom they interact. Since Nigeria is in need of leaders that are not only learned and have character, what better place to groom these leaders than from our institutions of higher learning. Conclusion It is obvious that there are serious ethical issues to be addressed in Nigerian universities. However, it is not as if all hope is completely lost. On the whole, it appears that addressing the problem will have to be done at different levels of the wider society, namely family, institutional and national levels. At the national level for instance, is a recognition of the systemic nature of the crises and how this has a linkage with the state of Nigeria's economy, and the imperative for Nigerian elites to lead by example. At the institutional level, is the necessity for morally accountable university governance that is at the same time effective. Also, at the family and institutional levels is the need to encourage good family values and those individuals who had displayed the virtues of principled and positive leadership from which others could learn. For our universities, the teaching staff who constitute one of the most important inputs towards achieving qualitative education need to be better encouraged. A lecturer-student ratio of 1 to 19 as opposed to UNESCO standard of 1 lecturer to 10 students is unacceptable. With forty-three federal, state, and private universities; forty-five polytechnics and sixty colleges of education, it is logical that there is a need for an informed rationalization of our institutions, especially with respect to curriculum (Opatola, 2002: 201). Though it is recognized that the morale and motivation of academic staff are grossly inadequate, this does not necessarily justify the grave unethical practices perpetrated by some of the lecturers. The sale of handouts, sale of marks, admission racketeering and assorted examination malpractices are vices that need to be urgently addressed. Ideally, lecturers are supposed to act as focal points of reference for those things that are principled, honourable and worthy of imitation. What is required now in our universities is the transforming kind of leadership that embodies the characteristics of a focused innovativeness, high moral standards, and a humane and deep understanding of the environment in which they operate. The cardinal task of the university education should be the transmission of positive values to the young so that they may learn and acquire character necessary for a legitimate engagement with the wider society. This point need never be forgotten. Finally, every university should endeavour to delineate and present to its staff and students a code of conduct with sanctions as part of their induction into the particular institution. The moral dimensions of their jobs as academic or non-academic staff and as students should be clearly spelt out and popularized through frequent sensitization measures. This will go a long way not only in ensuring a modicum of ethical conduct, but also in attaining the goals of the university.

Cordelia From King Lear Character Profile

In this  character profile, we take a close look at Cordelia from Shakespeares King Lear. Cordelia’s actions are a catalyst for much of the action in the play, her refusal to take part in her father’s ‘love test’ results in his furious impulsive outburst where he disowns and banishes his otherwise faultless daughter. Cordelia and Her Father Lear’s treatment of Cordelia and subsequent empowerment of Regan and Goneril (false flatterers) leads to the audience feeling alienated towards him – perceiving him as blind and foolish. Cordelia’s presence in France offers the audience a sense of hope – that she will return and Lear will be restored to power or at least her sisters will be usurped. Some might perceive Cordelia to be a little stubborn for refusing to take part in her father’s love test; and vengeful to marry the King of France as a retaliation but we are told that she has integrity by other characters in the play and the fact that the King of France is willing to take her on without a dowry speaks well for her character; she also has little choice than to marry France. Fairest Cordelia, that art most rich, being poor; Most choice, forsaken; and most loved, despised: Thee and thy virtues her I seize upon France.(Act 1 Scene 1) Cordelia’s refusal to flatter her father in return for power; her response of; â€Å"Nothing†, further adds to her integrity as we soon discover those who have a lot to say cannot be trusted. Regan, Goneril and Edmund, in particular, all have an easy way with words. Cordelia’s expression of compassion and concern for her father in Act 4 scene 4 demonstrates her goodness and an assurance that she is not interested in power unlike her sisters but more in helping her father get better. By this time the audiences’ sympathy for Lear has also grown, he appears more pathetic and in need of Cordelia’s sympathy and love at this point and Cordelia offers the audience a sense of hope for the future for Lear. O dear father, It is thy business that I go about; Therefore great France My mourning and importuned tears hath pitied. No blown ambition doth our arms incite, But love dear love, and our aged father’s right. Soon may I hear and see him.(Act 4 Scene 4) In Act 4 Scene 7 When Lear is finally reunited with Cordelia he redeems himself by fully apologizing for his actions towards her and his subsequent death is therefore even more tragic. Cordelia’s death finally hastens the demise of her father first to madness then death. Cordelia’s portrayal as a selfless, beacon of hope makes her death more tragic for the audience and allows Lear’s final act of revenge – killing Cordelia’s hangman to appear heroic adding further to his terrible tragic downfall. Lear’s response to Cordelia’s death finally restores his sense of good judgment for the audience and he is redeemed – he has finally learned the value of true emotion and his depth of grief is palpable. A plague upon you, murderers, traitors all. I might have saved her; now she’s gone for ever. Cordelia, Cordelia stay a little. Ha? What is’t thou sayst? Her voice was ever soft, Gentle and low, an excellent thing in woman.(Act 5 Scene 3) Cordelias Death Shakespeare’s decision to kill off Cordelia has been criticized as she is such an innocent but perhaps he needed this final blow to bring about Lear’s total downfall and to confound the tragedy. All of the characters in the play are dealt with harshly and the consequences of their actions are well and truly punished. Cordelia; offering only hope and goodness could, therefore, be considered the real tragedy of King Lear.

Modernization And Neoliberalism Economic Status And Growth

There are many faces to development- both in how it is defined and in what constitutes it. In ‘Liberating the World from Development’, Sachs writes â€Å"The desire for equity is largely fixed on development-as-growth† (22). This is to say that development as a concept is conventionally hinged upon economic status and growth. This core assumption is present in the primary models of development, modernization and neoliberalism, both of which in turn offer their own implications and consequences. It is these consequences that inspire Sachs, and many others, to seek out a more comprehensive definition and approach to development. As was previously stated, the two most prevalent theoretical models of development are modernization and neoliberalism. These ideologies are both centered on the principle of development-as-growth with growth, in this sense, equating to economic advancement. To be more specific, these two philosophies are heavily reliant on a westernized sta ndard of market and economy, with capitalism existing at the heart of their philosophies. The result of this is a weighty emphasis on participation and competition in a global economy and a Euro-Atlantic model of ‘development’. Modernization in particular approaches this focus on competition in a global economy through the promotion of trade specialization. The intent of this is to allow countries to gain an edge in the market by concentrating their efforts on one primary export, such that they may become largerShow MoreRelatedWestern Dominance And Its Effects On The Global Economy Essay1590 Words   |  7 PagesAlthough today these colonial empires have diminished somewhat or entirely, the neoliberal policies and institutions that were put in place in the nineteen seventies continue to perpetuate the same power and economic inequalities that had been felt by colonies, on the current global economy. Neoliberalism reinforces the unequal power relationships through mecha nisms that are designed generally to benefit the developed countries of the global north, while exploiting the cheap resources contained in the globalRead MoreFour approaches to the political economy development of Latin America1734 Words   |  7 Pagesinfluence of international organizations and the economic and class history, and its relation with one of the principal characteristics of Latin American countries: the disparity between the wealthy and the poor. Throughout this work, I intend to summarize and review four of the most representative theories that have helped shape the study of the economic development of Latin America: Hegemonic Stability, Dependency, Class Analysis and Neoliberalism. The need for a more accurate theoretical frameworkRead MoreSummary Of James Ferguson s The World1776 Words   |  8 Pagesits people. Through eight essays, he explores paradoxes of African states and governments; the continent s place in the new world order, modernity and development; and the â€Å"modernization† of mineral and oil extraction models. This set of disjointed essays examine the realities that continue to determine development and growth on the African continent. This series of essays lack coherence except in how they all highlight the need for a wider and multidisciplinary understanding of Africa’s place inRead MoreThe High Price Of Food2229 Words   |  9 PagesToday, the economic state of our world is highly connected and international. The global market influences food accessibility and hunger on an exceedingly large scale. The global food economy exists within a complex system that has widespread dire consequences if it finds itself in a crisis like we are currently seeing. Until the year 2000, the world witnessed a thirty year trend of decreasing food prices. While it is common perception that the global food crisis is occurring due to shortages inRead MoreThe Roots Of The Current Global Food Crisis2284 Words   |  10 PagesThe Roots of the Current Global Food Crisis Today, the economic state of our world is highly connected and international. Therefore, the global market influences food accessibility and hunger on an exceedingly large scale. The global food economy exists within a complex system that has widespread dire consequences if it finds itself in a crisis like we are currently seeing. While it is a common perception that the global food crisis is occurring due to shortages in supply and increasing demand,Read MoreGlobalization Sample Questions7882 Words   |  32 Pagesis not one of these four? a. Economic b. Cultural c. Educational d. Political 2. Which of the following is geographically part of the south, but in economic and globalization terms is usually considered to be part of the global ‘North’? a. Singapore b. South Africa c. Brazil d. The Philippines 3. In this class what is being referred to in the following a definition: â€Å"a relatively new term used to describe economic, social, political, cultural, and environmentalRead MoreComparative Government6816 Words   |  28 Pages(who is not with us is against us) to (who is not against us, is with us). Hungarians could already travel to Austria. Started with a very bloody regime and developed to a very soft communism. 21st century Hungary has some problems with debts and economic development. At the moment right-wing government enhances nationalism. There are actually more Hungarians outside the country than inside who start making problems, want back to their country. Government at the moment has constitutional power. TryingRead MoreOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 Pagessocioeconomic circumstances and dynamics rather th an standard but arbitrary chronological break points. In the decades that followed the Great War, the victorious European powers appeared to have restored, even expanded, their global political and economic preeminence only to see it eclipsed by the emergence of the Soviet and U.S. superpowers on their periphery and a second round of even more devastating global conflict. The bifurcated international system that resulted from the cold war standoffRead MoreContemporary Issues in Management Accounting211377 Words   |  846 Pagesilluminate practice and to provide ways of improving it. Although always appealing to his economic understandings, he has been open to a wide variety of other ideas, recognizing their intellectual strengths and capabilities rather than making artificial distinctions between what is acceptable and what is not. He also has contributed widely to the accounting literature, taking forward the British tradition of economic theorizing in financial accounting as well as being a constant source of creative thinking